NCP's Article 146: Stoning women to death since 1991

A couple of days ago I read that a 15-year-old girl has been sentenced to “death by stoning” for allegedly committing adultery and consequently admitting her guilt. The report, forwarded to me from a credible source, cited that a Sudanese judge found the female minor, Intisar, guilty of committing adultery and sentenced her to death by stoning – a sentence which apparently comes in accordance with Article 146 of the Sudanese criminal law. 

The report stated: 

Intisar Sharif Abdalla was accused of having a relationship and becoming pregnant by a man that wasn’t her husband. Initially she and the man with whom she was accused both denied this. Her lawyer, only able to access her after the judgement was made, understands that following her initial denial she was beaten up and tortured repeatedly by her brother. She then changed her statement and confessed to adultery. Based on this evidence she was taken to court and the Judge, Sami Ibrahim Shabo of Ombada General Criminal Court, Khartoum state, sentenced her to stoning after one court session and in the absence of legal representation in court. 

The woman in question is understood to be a minor, between 15 and 17 years old. She is understood to be deeply traumatized and is without access to suitable psycho-social support. Her new-born child is also with her in prison. Her co-accused maintained his statement in denying adultery and has subsequently not been convicted. 

I was trying my best to absorb this shocking piece of news, and to come to terms with the fact that the atrocities of the NCP against women have recently been vigorously extending into Khartoum, the capital, meaning that things are now probably a million times worse in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and the numerous regions of NCP-inflicted conflict where documentations of human rights violations are nil to rare. 

As I tried to wrap my brain around this nightmare of a situation, expecting to feel rage, sadness and disgust, all my initial thoughts and feelings were severely interrupted after witnessing the reactions of people within my community. Not only did they not condemn it, they supported the stoning sentence. I felt as though the NCP has taken us on a journey back to medieval times. 

In Iran, a woman is half-buried before she is stoned to death

Having lived and worked in Sudan for quite some time now, and with my involvement in many political activities, I had convinced myself in the past that the people’s overwhelming silence against the NCP’s oppression is not necessarily due to their support of the NCP, nor is it due to their acceptance of the countless human rights violations taking place in their own land… rather it is the fruit of their fear; fear of the NCP, fear of instability, fear of inconvenience. Some don’t want their lives to be disrupted, others are afraid to advocate for their fellow brethren… in all cases I made peace with that and relentlessly defended them whenever the argument “the Sudanese people are apathetic and no revolution will come to Sudan” came up, citing that 23 years of brainwashing is not easily reversed. 

However, with Intisar’s stoning sentence, and the opinion of mainstreamers (as someone on Twitter pointed out to me) leaning towards backing Article 146, namely because the young girl allegedly confessed or because she deserves the sentence since she brought it onto herself, I came to another conviction – that sometimes, in certain cases, it’s better to be apathetic towards your own people’s struggles. 

I was, and still am, unable to fathom how people who refer to themselves as Muslims can condone such an act of brutality. I pictured it many, many times in my head… a woman, 15-year-old girl to be exact, standing in the middle of an expanse, the cries of her baby ringing in her ears, standing helplessly as stones are being thrown at her, disfiguring her face and body, ultimately leading to her death. Not only does this act not relate to Islam in any way, shape or form, but the mere thought of it is gag inducing. 

I choose to believe one thing – that Islam is a religion of love, mercy and compassion. The Prophet himself, PBUH, called on the gentle treatment of women… how could he have simultaneously promoted such a callous law? I don’t wish to delve into the validity of such a ruling in Islamic teachings, I simply find it ludicrous and will not waste my time searching for proof of its existence or lack thereof. The only proof I need lies within my own spirituality. 

When I think about this poor girl possibly being stoned to death, my blood boils with rage, and I can’t help but think… what about the prevalent rape and torture cases across the Sudanese states? The illegal political detentions? The instutionalized racism and tribalism? The displacement of civilians? The victims of war? They all go unpunished, just like that? And no one condemns them, even? Okay, what about her partner in crime? Is he off the hook because his brother didn't beat a confession out of him? Does this mean that as long as you don't confess it, it doesn't count and you can't die for it? If she is going to die for committing adultery, shouldn't the scenario be her stoning alongside her co-accused, or no stoning at all? Or is stoning only convenient and acceptable when the recipient is a female?

It seems convenient to many people in my community to only condemn acts of scandalous magnitudes; such as consensual sex (or adultery if you will), and to only target the female counterpart – as though she gave birth to a baby by having sex with herself.. If that’s not the case, then shouldn’t at least half of Khartoum be lashed, stoned, beaten or arrested for violating one form of moral law or the other? If we are all playing god here, why doesn’t everyone fess up to their crimes, or scandalous deeds, and await their very own lashing and stoning sentences? Isn’t this the point, to “become pure and relieve sins”? Or do the sins of only certain people count? Perhaps no one else has had consensual sex in Sudan, and everyone is pious and sinless?

I guess dictatorship yields dictatorship. The NCP’s efforts to turn the people of Sudan into heartless dictators under the umbrella of religion, just like their ruling party, seem to have come to fruition. If a mute conscience is a silent devil, then let us all go back to the time when mainstreamers were silent devils… they certainly are considered the lesser of two evils. 

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South Sudanese in Khartoum in fear after attack on church

Muslim Sudanese standing in solidarity with Christian South Sudanese

South Sudanese Christians in Khartoum are living in fear in the wake of a recent church attack by a mob of Muslim extremists. On Saturday April 21, hundreds of angry Sudanese Muslim extremists raided the Gireif West Evangelic Church in Khartoum and vandalized it, looted its possessions, burned its bibles and its outside crop field and knocked down its walls.

 The church complex, where South Sudanese Christians and others from various nationalities attend prayers every weekend, comprises of a church, a clinic, a school and a home for the elderly.

The attack on the church took place one day after South Sudan’s army pulled out of oil-rich Heglig. Sheikh Mohamed Abdelkarim, a well-known imam and preacher in Sudan, is thought to have instigated the church attack given his reputation as an extremist. Neighbourhood residents reported that during the weekly Friday sermon, Abdelkarim, who led the prayer, called on the people to march to the church the following day and demand it be closed down.

Yahia M., the church’s guard, recalled the incident saying “there were hundreds of them chanting ‘no more churches after today’, ransacking the buildings, tearing the walls apart and burning bibles.” His wife expressed her shock at the vast number of women who took part in the vandalism.

Pastor John had a look of sadness in his eyes as he recounted the story. “They told us the land belongs to the people of Gireif West and that we were no longer residents of this country and the land does not belong to us. They went on and on about their rights – and as difficult as it was, we tried to negotiate with them but to no avail. In the end we stood back and watched them destroy the church complex. The police was watching too, and only took action after it was all over.”

On April 9, 2012, a dark day in Sudanese history, all South Sudanese citizens residing in Sudan were officially announced stateless and considered illegal residents by the Sudanese government. Since the declaration of South Sudan’s Independence in July last year, the minority of South Sudanese living in Khartoum have been suffering from harassment and made to feel unwelcome by both the Sudanese locals and the Sudanese government.

The Sudanese authorities have yet to arrest the people responsible for the attack on the church complex. On Sunday April 22, 2012 a group of activists, journalists and regular citizens arrived at the church at noon in response to a Facebook initiative titled “Let’s Clean Up the Gireif West Church”. However, the police denied them entrance to the church despite their constant attempts and pleas to express their solidarity with their fellow South Sudanese brothers and sisters. They were kicked out of the church and in response, they rallied up in the street and held up posters calling against religious strife and extremism and calling for “One Sudan for All” and their constitutionalized freedom of religion.


This article was first published here

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The Violation of Women's Rights in Sudan: In the Name of the Law?

For decades, the women of Sudan have been suffering under article 152 of the penal code, an inhumane, vicious and notorious law first implemented in 1991.

Article 152 of Sudan’s criminal code stipulates that any conduct or clothing in violation of public decency be punished with 40 lashes. The law, which mainly targets women, is vague as to what constitutes indecent clothing, leaving room for the disreputable and abusive Public Order Police to arrest whoever they deem to be dressed inappropriately or committing an act of indecency.

Many women have been arrested under this article. They have been taken from streets, public places, cars or even their homes in some rare cases; they have been ‘caught’ in the same place as partners or friends of the opposite sex without being able to show proof of a recognised, first degree relationship.

The Public Order Police forces are known for patrolling the streets of Khartoum and arresting anyone they deem immoral or in opposition to Islamic values. Sudanese women from various backgrounds, ethnicities, ages and social statuses continue to be harassed by the abusers and executors of Article 152.

Public lashing of women

Incidents invoked by Article 152 often allow for policemen’s ugly side to surface. In this graphic video, an unarmed 16-year old girl is seen being lashed by unmasked policemen for an undisclosed crime. As she howls, the policemen at the Khartoum Police Station are seen laughing and taking a perverse enjoyment in her suffering. The video went viral on YouTube on December 12, 2010 and caused outrage both locally and internationally.

On July 3, 2009, thirteen women were arrested in Khartoum under article 152 of the criminal code for wearing trousers. They were sentenced to ten lashes and bail was set at $100. However, three of the women, including a well-known journalist named Lubna Hussein, refused the punishment and asked for a lawyer and court hearing.

At the hearing, Hussein and the other three women were granted a presidential pardon, but the women refused it. Instead, they challenged the judge to eliminate article 152 of the criminal code.

Hussein spoke to international human rights organisations about the cruelty of the law. She appeared on television shows and interviews wearing the same pair of trousers that got her arrested, asking the viewers to determine themselves where the indecency of her attire lied.

The rape of Safia

On February 13, 2012, Safia Ishaq, a young female artist was gang-raped by three members from the Sudanese National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) for participating in a mass protest on January 30, 2011.

Two NISS officers arrested Safia as she was on her way to buy art supplies in Khartoum. The men forced her into a van and beat her on the way to the NISS premises where she was detained. During her detention, Safia was beaten, questioned about her activities and subjected to verbal abuse. When one of the officers tried removing her skirt and she tried to stop him, she was beaten unconscious. Her hands were tied with her scarf while three men violated her.

Upon her release, Safia refused to stay silent. She uploaded a video on YouTube where she recalled her experience, subsequently becoming the first Sudanese woman to publicly come out and speak about sexual assault by the security organisation. However, speaking out came at a price and Safia and, to avoid the social stigma, she eventually left for Europe.

Two journalists, Amal Habbani and Saad Eldin Ibrahim, who wrote about Safia’s rape also paid a high price for speaking out and were arrested and imprisoned.

Crackdown on female activists

Female activists over the past months and years have been subjected to intimidation by the NISS and had their homes raided and personal belongings confiscated numerous times.

In late February, NISS officers raided the house of a human rights activist, Nazik Kabalo, and confiscated the hard drive of her computer, her documents and her mobile phone. She was called for questioning and subjected to an interrogation that lasted over eight hours. Kabalo was asked to return the following day for further interrogation, but instead, fearing for her safety, fled Sudan. “They said that if I didn’t cooperate, they will kill me and throw my body away,” she told a non-violent youth opposition movement Girifna (‘We Are Fed Up’).

In March, the Public Order Police shot dead a female activist from the Nuba Mountains who was trying to defend her brother who was being beaten by officers who claimed that he was consuming alcohol. Her death inspired a wave of protests in her neighbourhood.

A couple of weeks later, Jalila Khamis Koko, another female activist from the Nuba Mountains, was arrested from her home in Al Shajara, Khartoum. NISS police forces raided her house and arrested Jalila still in her nightclothes. Her son’s pleas to allow her to cover herself up went ignored. Jalila remains in detention.

Campaigns against violation

There are several campaigns calling on the protection of women’s rights in Sudan, including The National and International Campaign to Eliminate Article 152 of Sudan's Criminal Code. These are bolstered by youth movements such as Girifna which are calling for an end to state-sponsored systematic violence and rape across the country.

This article was first published here

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Sudanese youth revolutionize through art

Khartoon! by Khalid Albaih

Youth in Sudan are looking to art to transform their political frustration into action. They have refused to succumb to hopelessness and apathy and chosen to voice hope and positivity through their artistic messages.

For some, the artistic attempts have landed them international recognition, and even awards. Khalid Albaih, a world-renowned and award-winning Sudanese cartoonist based in Qatar recalled how he became an artist.

“Due to my father’s diplomatic status followed by exile, we lived in the Diaspora most of our lives, surrounded by my father’s politics and ‘conspiracy theories’. My father’s ‘art-less’ lifestyle prompted me to complete my BS in Interior Design with degrees in Islamic Art History and Graphic Design” he said, “Growing up, political cartoons featured on daily newspapers always intrigued me due to their simplistic nature and the risks taken to get a point across…My visual style further explains what is at the very base of the issues we face today. Simple.”

Khartoon! by Khalid Albaih

Albaih tried to publish his work in several local newspapers in Doha and in Sudan in vain. He then turned to the one place all social rejects find solace in – the internet, where he founded his project “Khartoon!”.

Khartoon! by Khalid Albaih

“Art and artists in Sudan are dying due to society’s lack of interest in the arts. The internet is where all the silenced youths turn to, and now with the internet accessible in every Sudanese household, our youth are inspired to showcase their talents online with a ‘we can do it’ attitude,” he opined.

Away from the spotlight, K. Eltinaé writes in a medium that survives more in Arabic today than it does in English. Mixing confessional poetry with a revolutionary beat, his verses address the betrayal, suffocation and rejection of the diaspora of many third culture Sudanese youths who have returned to a country that will never fully embrace them. In 2009, as a teacher at the University of Khartoum, he took the initiative to stage and direct scenes from his debut anthology “Chagrin” into a mime theatrical representation of the poems accompanied by both recorded musical selections and a live chorus line depicting the wiles of relationship-drama.

By K.Eltinae

“The future of performance art in Khartoum is extremely encouraging in many diverse mediums which have never been focused upon before in Sudan. I am of the opinion, however, that talent should not solely be showcased and catered to Open Mic performances, or any other medium which unconsciously seeks to define art exclusively as something concrete, this kind of pressure on youths to imitate what is commercially ‘popular’ rather than what is sincerely felt or experienced results in a salad of repetition and stunted creative growth, which can be avoided if young artists think outside the box,” he says.

Eltinaé’s sophomore anthology “Vertigo” is scheduled to be published later this year as a series of 21 short films which interweave with the themes of the poems in the Anthology. K.Eltinaé is also currently writing his debut novel, centered in the ideology of ‘groupthink’.

Tartar, a YouTube-based animation studio, was founded by a young talented artist, Amin Bahari, with a mission to promote Sudan, its people, its traditions and culture. Everything Tartar produces is published and shared online, scoring almost 200,000 hits to date.

“Since our first production, you could see how the online Sudanese community positively reacted to such an initiative. The feedback was highly encouraging. People extensively shared the videos on social media websites, downloaded them on their computers and phones and volunteered to help,” Bahari explained, “The internet, unlike TV, offers more interaction with your audience and brings you instant feedback that helps you improve your work and keeps you focused.”

Bahari grew up drawing comic stories and he says media plays a major role in shaping the way people think and act. “I feel sad how such a powerful tool has been poorly utilized in my community, a community that is rich in culture, people and has so much to tell the world… however, all you see when you google Sudan are pictures of wars, famine and hunger,” Bahari said.

Bahari, who is also a medical doctor hopes that as Tartar grows bigger and more people join, share and promote it, it will become less of an animation studio and more of a social movement.

For Mohamed Altoum, a young budding photographer, the camera lens is his means for capturing the beauty of a country that is rich with culture, rituals and traditions. “A picture is worth a thousand words, and a camera can document incredible moments that otherwise go unremembered. Photography is my passion, and I make sure I make use of this passion in social events and activities,” he says.

By Mohamed Altoum

By Mohamed Altoum

Another photographer, Qusai Akoud, was recently awarded the ‘Best Sudanese Photographer’ title. He was inspired to become an artist after the death of his father in late 2007. “I think people like my photos because I tend to capture natural human gestures and normal moments that pass normally without notice but when you see that moment in a photo you get a warm, deep, sweet feeling,” he says. His prediction for the future of art in Sudan is that many talented youths will emerge and showcase their exceptional visions to the world.

As Sudan continues to experience hard political and economical times, with its recent secession from the south, its youth are joining forces; determined to represent it as a beacon of art, talent and inspiration.

This article was first published here

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International Women’s Day in Sudan: Rape, Torture, Detention and Murder

How can a country celebrate International Women’s Day when every year it marks the oppression, harassment and crackdown on the freedom and rights of its women?

From the case of Lubna Hussein who stood for trial for wearing a pair of trousers, to the video of a woman being lashed in public while police officers laughed as she wailed, to the gang-rape of a young activist named Safia Ishaq by security policemen last year, to the trial of journalist Amal Habbani who wrote about Safia’s case... the women of Sudan are suffering, and I believe we're only seeing the tip of the iceberg.

This year, not only are we spending the month of IWD commemorating the anniversary of Safia’s rape, but we are also spending it mourning the death of a woman named Awadiya Ajabna who hails from the Nuba Mountains. Awadiya, who was unarmed, was shot dead in front of her house on March 7, 2012 by the Public Order Police.

A few days before that, NISS had cracked down on a human rights activist named Nazik Kabalo. NISS officers raided her house and confiscated her equipment. They called her in for an 8-hour long interrogation. They used all sorts of intimidation tactics on her and threatened to detain her until the anti-espionage bill is in effect, where she may then be subjected to the death penalty for her communications with the international community. Nazik fled the country. Her activism was directed towards IDPs from the Nuba Mountains.

Just before the Sudanese people were able to grasp the horrors of these unfortunate and subsequent incidents, another activist from the Nuba Mountains was kidnapped from her home on March 14, 2012. Jalila Khamis Koko is a teacher and an active member of SPLM-N. NISS officers raided her house at 1 am and kidnapped her in front of her son. She was wearing her night clothes and they rejected her 17-year-old son’s pleas to allow her to change or slip into a ‘toab’ to cover herself. Instead, they threatened to shoot him. Jalila was essentially arrested for her ties with Nazik Kabalo, where the two activists were working together to collect funds for IDPs from the Nuba Mountains residing in Khartoum.

Every day in Sudan women’s rights are being violated. The Public Order Law, which was formed as some kind of ‘moral’ law and has its own court, has many loopholes, particularly article 152 which mainly focuses on so-called indecent acts.

Article 152 of the Public Order Law: Obscene and Indecent Acts:

(1) Whoever does in a public place an indecent act or an act contrary to public morals or wears an obscene outfit or contrary to public morals or causing an annoyance to public feelings shall be punished with flogging which may not exceed forty lashes or with fine or with both.

(2) The act shall be contrary to public morals if it is regarded as such according to the standard of the person's religion or the custom of the country where the act takes place.

What it boils down to is that the Public Order Police reserves the right to arrest whomever they consider is committing an indecent act or is wearing indecent clothing. The law as you can see is absolutely vague and has no standards. This leaves plenty of room for police barbarism, as the officers are allowed to act as they please and use their desired methods of punishment on whomever they deem has committed an ‘indecent act’.

What an oxymoron it is that the Public Order Police (who murdered Awadiya Ajabna 10 days ago) claims to be against acts of indecency; given that Jalila Khamis was removed from her own home while dressed in something she would probably be arrested for if she had worn it in public.

The double standards of this current regime is repellent… how much longer are the NISS and Public Order Police going to target women and violate human rights? How much longer will the NCP trade with religion and commit horrible crimes in the name of Islam? Most importantly, how much longer are we going to let them?

Take action.. shed light on these atrocities. Write, blog, tweet, Facebook. Advocate for women in Sudan and raise awareness on the issues they are facing. The times of standing idly by as we watch the NCP ruin our lives are long gone. Be part of the change process.

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Sudan: Can Social Media Unshackle the Press?

The Sudanese government has intensified its repression of the country’s independent media in recent months. Since a new conflict broke out between Sudanese forces and armed opposition groups north of Sudan’s border with the newly-independent South Sudan, the government in Khartoum has led a campaign against the press. News organisations have been raided, copy has been confiscated and many journalists have been arrested. And late last month, the daily newspaper Al-Tayyar became the third this year to be forcibly shut down by Sudanese authorities.

Crackdown on journalism

Reem Shawkat, a Sudanese journalist, explained that newspapers are discouraged from hiring writers known to oppose the regime and write critical pieces.

“There is direct interference in choosing the editor-in-chief of newspapers, especially the independent ones” she said. “Last month, Salah Al Den Awoda was completely sidelined from becoming the editor-in-chief of Al Jareeda newspaper because of his writings and views.”

She continued to describe how the government intervenes by “confiscating issues after publication. [This] puts a lot of pressure on a newspaper in terms of finances, and is bad for its image in the market.”

In 2009, a journalist named Azaz Shami was asked to write a column for Al Akhbar newspaper. In her piece, she questioned the Public Order Law that controls women’s dress code and behaviour, describing the law as being vague, against the core principles of human rights and humiliating. “The article I presented was censored before even going to print” she explained, adding “the Sudanese government fiercely targets all newspapers and journalists who write about such critical topics”.

Shami reported that in 2011 the government loosened the grip on newspaper censorship, allowing her article about a Youtube video of a girl being publicly lashed by a police officer to be published. It seems, however, that this more liberal stance did not last long.

A controlled media environment

The ruling party in Sudan, the National Congress Party (NCP), has been suppressing the media throughout its 22-year reign.

“Oppressive governance and control of media go together hand in hand” explained Nagi S to Think Africa Press. “For a government that came by force and has been ruling by force like the one in Sudan, controlling the media is a necessity.

“For over two decades, the government has been systemically deceiving the trusting Sudanese people, driving the opposition abroad or underground and falsely educating the young. The government knows very well that if the truth starts to go out to the masses then it is the end game for the government, so it will do whatever it can to control what goes through mainstream media.”

Usamah M, activist and social media enthusiast said: “Controlled media does exist and it represents a huge obstacle for journalism and media in Sudan. Sudanese authorities systematically manipulate the laws governing media and publication regulations to control the media and hinder its ability to freely report on the state of affairs in the country. It is now an established practice for a security agent from the NISS to visit every single newspaper at midnight before it goes to print and proofreads its content”.

While repressive, however, political commentator Mustafa Abdelbagi suggests that Sudan is more tolerant to media criticism than most other oligarchic systems in the region.

“They seem to have certain categories of criticism that they deem unacceptable”, he explained. “Disparaging their policies is much more benign than calling for a revolution or for the president to step down. So yes, media is controlled, but that's what one expects from a dictatorial regime. You also get the news outlets which are blatantly pro-government, again, another symptom of a dictatorship. So, technically, it's not that much different from any other tyrannical system in Africa or the Middle East.”

The role of social media

“Social media is gaining ground in Sudan, and its impact has been proved to be extremely significant” Abdelbagi continued. “It has allowed many to express their opinions on political issues without having to worry about the repercussions. Before social media, one would have never imagined that deep-rooted political discourse could take place in a public-like atmosphere.

“It has also given the opportunity for the Sudanese youth to gain access to information that they lack in their country, and enabled interaction between local and international professionals in journalism, IT and many other fields. Not only has it enabled interaction between the sexes, but it has given women a chance to enforce the changes they want to see happen without the consistent condescension that they would usually face.”

Abubakr Abdelaziz, an engineer who lives in the gulf, says social media is still at its infancy. “This is mainly due to the high cost of communications, smart phones, limited middle class, high technological and illiteracy rate in Sudan, etc. Unfortunately social media penetration in Sudan is very limited and I can only see the number of users declining and being used almost exclusively for entertainment and social purposes. Also, with the government’s crackdown on any sort of discontent and criticism I can see that access to uncensored information is becoming more difficult.”

Usamah M., who observed that internet connectivity in Sudan is both relatively high and cheap, took a more cautious view in suggesting that social media does not have much of an impact as of yet. “There are two barriers to wide adoption of social media by the public: technological and linguistic. Computer and internet-illiterate people will probably have problems using social media. English language is still the main language for effective communicating on the internet. The bet is on well-educated, English-fluent Sudanese activists and social media consumers to bridge this gap by constantly reaching out and educating their fellow citizens”.

The future of free speech in Sudan

As long as the current regime stays in power, most predict that there will be little improvement in terms of honest journalism and an unbiased media.

“The current wave of Arab Spring popular uprisings made governments across the region extremely sensitive and paranoid about independence of media” said Usamah. “Sudanese authorities persistently silenced honest reporting on human rights violations in the country. A case in point was the arrest, detention and holding up of kangaroo courts for journalists who reported on an alleged rape case of a female student activist who participated in a protest against rising prices and economic hardship earlier in 2011”.

Abdelbagi said “Sudan is stuck with an archaic media system which uses conventional methods of biased reporting, depending on the poignancy of event. This, unfortunately, will not change due to political issues. Because, primarily, the development of media threatens the system of governance.”

“This regime is staying in power by keeping citizens ignorant and disconnected from each other,” remarked Dalia Haj Omer, a human rights activist. “I don't think this situation will improve under the ruling regime. The only way out, in my opinion, is for citizen journalism to go viral by citizens taking charge and telling their stories locally and internationally.

“It's starting to happen in Sudan; as we saw in the recent events of Khartoum University last December. However, for that to have real impact we need a critical mass of citizens, and Sudan is still far from that. Sudan's challenge is that we are a poor country with high illiteracy rates, low internet penetration and a shrinking middle class...all that is not to our advantage. Given these challenges, we have to find creative ways to bridge the online citizen journalism with on-the-ground citizen journalism.”

This article was first published here

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NISS goes berserk?

Last month, over 300 students from the University of Khartoum were arrested by security forces who raided the student dorms at 4 a.m. The students were manhandled, beaten and instructed to pack their bags in under a minute for a forceful eviction. They were then rounded up by the police forces and taken to more than half a dozen police station scattered across the triangular capital of Khartoum.

In December, the campus of the University of Khartoum marked several protests by students demanding compensation for the people of Manasir who were displaced from their homes due to the construction of a dam near the city of Dammir, namely Merowe dam. They also protested in demand of their right to form a students’ union and to end police violence. The university was hence shut down until further notice.

There was no justification by the police as to why the mass arrest took place, but many speculate that it is a response to a peaceful protest planned by the students two days ahead. However, they were threatened with charges of “causing public nuisance” and “disturbing public safety”.

At 5 p.m., police stations began releasing the students who then gathered at the Sudanese Human Rights Monitor for a press conference. At the press conference, released students testified that they were beaten with batons and metal rods and electrically shocked.

According to a press release youth movement “Girifna” posted on its website, thousands of police officers were involved in the crackdown and the students were subjected to racist verbal abuse. “Girifna” also quoted a student who spoke during the conference as reporting two students missing. The movement fears that the students, Muammar Musa Mohamed who is affiliated with the organizing committee of the protests, and Amin Kamal Karrar, may have been kidnapped by the National Intelligence and Security System (NISS). Moreover, another two students, Mohamed Haroun (a student at Al Zaeem Al Azhari University who was spending the night at the dorms) and Hussein Ismail were reported hospitalized after sustaining severe injuries due to the excessive violence they were subjected to by security forces.

At the press conference, the students reiterated the demands of the students and stated that they will not accept to go back to university unless their demands are met, starting with the immediate resignation of both the president and the vice-president of the university.

“We were awakened at 4 a.m. by the sounds of the police trucks,” recounted Muawia Mohamed, a student who was arrested during the police raid. “The police beat us out of bed and used excessive violence on us. We were both physically and verbally abused, and the police looted many of the students’ possessions. The first question we were asked after our names was the name of our tribe.” When asked where he was headed following his release and the conclusion of the press conference, Muawia replied: “The dorms are our home. My family lives in Darfur, there is no way for me to go back.”

Following the press conference, the students, who were present at the Sudanese Human Rights Monitor with their luggage upon their release from detention, took a unified stand and decided to return to the dorms despite the risk.

On December 30, 2011, two University of Khartoum students were kidnapped by the NISS and detained in Kober prison located in Khartoum North. The students, Tajelsir Gaafer and Mohamed Idriss Jiddo, are both “Girifna” members who were active on campus during the December protests. They were released after spending over a month in detention and facing no charges. The Sudanese NISS is notorious for brutally torturing political detainees.

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