Thursday, March 29, 2012

Sudanese youth revolutionize through art

Khartoon! by Khalid Albaih
Youth in Sudan are looking to art to transform their political frustration into action. They have refused to succumb to hopelessness and apathy and chosen to voice hope and positivity through their artistic messages.

For some, the artistic attempts have landed them international recognition, and even awards. Khalid Albaih, a world-renowned and award-winning Sudanese cartoonist based in Qatar recalled how he became an artist.

“Due to my father’s diplomatic status followed by exile, we lived in the Diaspora most of our lives, surrounded by my father’s politics and ‘conspiracy theories’. My father’s ‘art-less’ lifestyle prompted me to complete my BS in Interior Design with degrees in Islamic Art History and Graphic Design” he said, “Growing up, political cartoons featured on daily newspapers always intrigued me due to their simplistic nature and the risks taken to get a point across…My visual style further explains what is at the very base of the issues we face today. Simple.”
Khartoon! by Khalid Albaih
Albaih tried to publish his work in several local newspapers in Doha and in Sudan in vain. He then turned to the one place all social rejects find solace in – the internet, where he founded his project “Khartoon!”.
Khartoon! by Khalid Albaih
“Art and artists in Sudan are dying due to society’s lack of interest in the arts. The internet is where all the silenced youths turn to, and now with the internet accessible in every Sudanese household, our youth are inspired to showcase their talents online with a ‘we can do it’ attitude,” he opined.

Away from the spotlight, K. Eltinaé writes in a medium that survives more in Arabic today than it does in English. Mixing confessional poetry with a revolutionary beat, his verses address the betrayal, suffocation and rejection of the diaspora of many third culture Sudanese youths who have returned to a country that will never fully embrace them. In 2009, as a teacher at the University of Khartoum, he took the initiative to stage and direct scenes from his debut anthology “Chagrin” into a mime theatrical representation of the poems accompanied by both recorded musical selections and a live chorus line depicting the wiles of relationship-drama.
By K.Eltinae
“The future of performance art in Khartoum is extremely encouraging in many diverse mediums which have never been focused upon before in Sudan. I am of the opinion, however, that talent should not solely be showcased and catered to Open Mic performances, or any other medium which unconsciously seeks to define art exclusively as something concrete, this kind of pressure on youths to imitate what is commercially ‘popular’ rather than what is sincerely felt or experienced results in a salad of repetition and stunted creative growth, which can be avoided if young artists think outside the box,” he says.

Eltinaé’s sophomore anthology “Vertigo” is scheduled to be published later this year as a series of 21 short films which interweave with the themes of the poems in the Anthology. K.Eltinaé is also currently writing his debut novel, centered in the ideology of ‘groupthink’.

Tartar, a YouTube-based animation studio, was founded by a young talented artist, Amin Bahari, with a mission to promote Sudan, its people, its traditions and culture. Everything Tartar produces is published and shared online, scoring almost 200,000 hits to date.

“Since our first production, you could see how the online Sudanese community positively reacted to such an initiative. The feedback was highly encouraging. People extensively shared the videos on social media websites, downloaded them on their computers and phones and volunteered to help,” Bahari explained, “The internet, unlike TV, offers more interaction with your audience and brings you instant feedback that helps you improve your work and keeps you focused.”

Bahari grew up drawing comic stories and he says media plays a major role in shaping the way people think and act. “I feel sad how such a powerful tool has been poorly utilized in my community, a community that is rich in culture, people and has so much to tell the world… however, all you see when you google Sudan are pictures of wars, famine and hunger,” Bahari said.

Bahari, who is also a medical doctor hopes that as Tartar grows bigger and more people join, share and promote it, it will become less of an animation studio and more of a social movement.

For Mohamed Altoum, a young budding photographer, the camera lens is his means for capturing the beauty of a country that is rich with culture, rituals and traditions. “A picture is worth a thousand words, and a camera can document incredible moments that otherwise go unremembered. Photography is my passion, and I make sure I make use of this passion in social events and activities,” he says.
By Mohamed Altoum
By Mohamed Altoum
Another photographer, Qusai Akoud, was recently awarded the ‘Best Sudanese Photographer’ title. He was inspired to become an artist after the death of his father in late 2007. “I think people like my photos because I tend to capture natural human gestures and normal moments that pass normally without notice but when you see that moment in a photo you get a warm, deep, sweet feeling,” he says. His prediction for the future of art in Sudan is that many talented youths will emerge and showcase their exceptional visions to the world.

As Sudan continues to experience hard political and economical times, with its recent secession from the south, its youth are joining forces; determined to represent it as a beacon of art, talent and inspiration.

This article was first published here

Saturday, March 17, 2012

International Women’s Day in Sudan: Rape, Torture, Detention and Murder

How can a country celebrate International Women’s Day when every year it marks the oppression, harassment and crackdown on the freedom and rights of its women?

From the case of Lubna Hussein who stood for trial for wearing a pair of trousers, to the video of a woman being lashed in public while police officers laughed as she wailed, to the gang-rape of a young activist named Safia Ishaq by security policemen last year, to the trial of journalist Amal Habbani who wrote about Safia’s case... the women of Sudan are suffering, and I believe we're only seeing the tip of the iceberg.

This year, not only are we spending the month of IWD commemorating the anniversary of Safia’s rape, but we are also spending it mourning the death of a woman named Awadiya Ajabna who hails from the Nuba Mountains. Awadiya, who was unarmed, was shot dead in front of her house on March 7, 2012 by the Public Order Police.

A few days before that, NISS had cracked down on a human rights activist named Nazik Kabalo. NISS officers raided her house and confiscated her equipment. They called her in for an 8-hour long interrogation. They used all sorts of intimidation tactics on her and threatened to detain her until the anti-espionage bill is in effect, where she may then be subjected to the death penalty for her communications with the international community. Nazik fled the country. Her activism was directed towards IDPs from the Nuba Mountains.

Just before the Sudanese people were able to grasp the horrors of these unfortunate and subsequent incidents, another activist from the Nuba Mountains was kidnapped from her home on March 14, 2012. Jalila Khamis Koko is a teacher and an active member of SPLM-N. NISS officers raided her house at 1 am and kidnapped her in front of her son. She was wearing her night clothes and they rejected her 17-year-old son’s pleas to allow her to change or slip into a ‘toab’ to cover herself. Instead, they threatened to shoot him. Jalila was essentially arrested for her ties with Nazik Kabalo, where the two activists were working together to collect funds for IDPs from the Nuba Mountains residing in Khartoum.

Every day in Sudan women’s rights are being violated. The Public Order Law, which was formed as some kind of ‘moral’ law and has its own court, has many loopholes, particularly article 152 which mainly focuses on so-called indecent acts.

Article 152 of the Public Order Law: Obscene and Indecent Acts:
(1) Whoever does in a public place an indecent act or an act contrary to public morals or wears an obscene outfit or contrary to public morals or causing an annoyance to public feelings shall be punished with flogging which may not exceed forty lashes or with fine or with both.
(2) The act shall be contrary to public morals if it is regarded as such according to the standard of the person's religion or the custom of the country where the act takes place.

What it boils down to is that the Public Order Police reserves the right to arrest whomever they consider is committing an indecent act or is wearing indecent clothing. The law as you can see is absolutely vague and has no standards. This leaves plenty of room for police barbarism, as the officers are allowed to act as they please and use their desired methods of punishment on whomever they deem has committed an ‘indecent act’.

What an oxymoron it is that the Public Order Police (who murdered Awadiya Ajabna 10 days ago) claims to be against acts of indecency; given that Jalila Khamis was removed from her own home while dressed in something she would probably be arrested for if she had worn it in public.

The double standards of this current regime is repellent… how much longer are the NISS and Public Order Police going to target women and violate human rights? How much longer will the NCP trade with religion and commit horrible crimes in the name of Islam? Most importantly, how much longer are we going to let them?

Take action.. shed light on these atrocities. Write, blog, tweet, Facebook. Advocate for women in Sudan and raise awareness on the issues they are facing. The times of standing idly by as we watch the NCP ruin our lives are long gone. Be part of the change process.

Wednesday, March 14, 2012

Sudan: Can Social Media Unshackle the Press?

The Sudanese government has intensified its repression of the country’s independent media in recent months. Since a new conflict broke out between Sudanese forces and armed opposition groups north of Sudan’s border with the newly-independent South Sudan, the government in Khartoum has led a campaign against the press. News organisations have been raided, copy has been confiscated and many journalists have been arrested. And late last month, the daily newspaper Al-Tayyar became the third this year to be forcibly shut down by Sudanese authorities.

Crackdown on journalism

Reem Shawkat, a Sudanese journalist, explained that newspapers are discouraged from hiring writers known to oppose the regime and write critical pieces.

“There is direct interference in choosing the editor-in-chief of newspapers, especially the independent ones” she said. “Last month, Salah Al Den Awoda was completely sidelined from becoming the editor-in-chief of Al Jareeda newspaper because of his writings and views.”

She continued to describe how the government intervenes by “confiscating issues after publication. [This] puts a lot of pressure on a newspaper in terms of finances, and is bad for its image in the market.”

In 2009, a journalist named Azaz Shami was asked to write a column for Al Akhbar newspaper. In her piece, she questioned the Public Order Law that controls women’s dress code and behaviour, describing the law as being vague, against the core principles of human rights and humiliating. “The article I presented was censored before even going to print” she explained, adding “the Sudanese government fiercely targets all newspapers and journalists who write about such critical topics”.

Shami reported that in 2011 the government loosened the grip on newspaper censorship, allowing her article about a Youtube video of a girl being publicly lashed by a police officer to be published. It seems, however, that this more liberal stance did not last long.

A controlled media environment

The ruling party in Sudan, the National Congress Party (NCP), has been suppressing the media throughout its 22-year reign.

“Oppressive governance and control of media go together hand in hand” explained Nagi S to Think Africa Press. “For a government that came by force and has been ruling by force like the one in Sudan, controlling the media is a necessity.

“For over two decades, the government has been systemically deceiving the trusting Sudanese people, driving the opposition abroad or underground and falsely educating the young. The government knows very well that if the truth starts to go out to the masses then it is the end game for the government, so it will do whatever it can to control what goes through mainstream media.”

Usamah M, activist and social media enthusiast said: “Controlled media does exist and it represents a huge obstacle for journalism and media in Sudan. Sudanese authorities systematically manipulate the laws governing media and publication regulations to control the media and hinder its ability to freely report on the state of affairs in the country. It is now an established practice for a security agent from the NISS to visit every single newspaper at midnight before it goes to print and proofreads its content”.

While repressive, however, political commentator Mustafa Abdelbagi suggests that Sudan is more tolerant to media criticism than most other oligarchic systems in the region.

“They seem to have certain categories of criticism that they deem unacceptable”, he explained. “Disparaging their policies is much more benign than calling for a revolution or for the president to step down. So yes, media is controlled, but that's what one expects from a dictatorial regime. You also get the news outlets which are blatantly pro-government, again, another symptom of a dictatorship. So, technically, it's not that much different from any other tyrannical system in Africa or the Middle East.”

The role of social media

“Social media is gaining ground in Sudan, and its impact has been proved to be extremely significant” Abdelbagi continued. “It has allowed many to express their opinions on political issues without having to worry about the repercussions. Before social media, one would have never imagined that deep-rooted political discourse could take place in a public-like atmosphere.

“It has also given the opportunity for the Sudanese youth to gain access to information that they lack in their country, and enabled interaction between local and international professionals in journalism, IT and many other fields. Not only has it enabled interaction between the sexes, but it has given women a chance to enforce the changes they want to see happen without the consistent condescension that they would usually face.”

Abubakr Abdelaziz, an engineer who lives in the gulf, says social media is still at its infancy. “This is mainly due to the high cost of communications, smart phones, limited middle class, high technological and illiteracy rate in Sudan, etc. Unfortunately social media penetration in Sudan is very limited and I can only see the number of users declining and being used almost exclusively for entertainment and social purposes. Also, with the government’s crackdown on any sort of discontent and criticism I can see that access to uncensored information is becoming more difficult.”

Usamah M., who observed that internet connectivity in Sudan is both relatively high and cheap, took a more cautious view in suggesting that social media does not have much of an impact as of yet. “There are two barriers to wide adoption of social media by the public: technological and linguistic. Computer and internet-illiterate people will probably have problems using social media. English language is still the main language for effective communicating on the internet. The bet is on well-educated, English-fluent Sudanese activists and social media consumers to bridge this gap by constantly reaching out and educating their fellow citizens”.

The future of free speech in Sudan

As long as the current regime stays in power, most predict that there will be little improvement in terms of honest journalism and an unbiased media.

“The current wave of Arab Spring popular uprisings made governments across the region extremely sensitive and paranoid about independence of media” said Usamah. “Sudanese authorities persistently silenced honest reporting on human rights violations in the country. A case in point was the arrest, detention and holding up of kangaroo courts for journalists who reported on an alleged rape case of a female student activist who participated in a protest against rising prices and economic hardship earlier in 2011”.

Abdelbagi said “Sudan is stuck with an archaic media system which uses conventional methods of biased reporting, depending on the poignancy of event. This, unfortunately, will not change due to political issues. Because, primarily, the development of media threatens the system of governance.”

“This regime is staying in power by keeping citizens ignorant and disconnected from each other,” remarked Dalia Haj Omer, a human rights activist. “I don't think this situation will improve under the ruling regime. The only way out, in my opinion, is for citizen journalism to go viral by citizens taking charge and telling their stories locally and internationally.

“It's starting to happen in Sudan; as we saw in the recent events of Khartoum University last December. However, for that to have real impact we need a critical mass of citizens, and Sudan is still far from that. Sudan's challenge is that we are a poor country with high illiteracy rates, low internet penetration and a shrinking middle class...all that is not to our advantage. Given these challenges, we have to find creative ways to bridge the online citizen journalism with on-the-ground citizen journalism.”

This article was first published here

NISS goes berserk?


Last month, over 300 students from the University of Khartoum were arrested by security forces who raided the student dorms at 4 a.m. The students were manhandled, beaten and instructed to pack their bags in under a minute for a forceful eviction. They were then rounded up by the police forces and taken to more than half a dozen police station scattered across the triangular capital of Khartoum.

In December, the campus of the University of Khartoum marked several protests by students demanding compensation for the people of Manasir who were displaced from their homes due to the construction of a dam near the city of Dammir, namely Merowe dam. They also protested in demand of their right to form a students’ union and to end police violence. The university was hence shut down until further notice.

There was no justification by the police as to why the mass arrest took place, but many speculate that it is a response to a peaceful protest planned by the students two days ahead. However, they were threatened with charges of “causing public nuisance” and “disturbing public safety”.

At 5 p.m., police stations began releasing the students who then gathered at the Sudanese Human Rights Monitor for a press conference. At the press conference, released students testified that they were beaten with batons and metal rods and electrically shocked.

According to a press release youth movement “Girifna” posted on its website, thousands of police officers were involved in the crackdown and the students were subjected to racist verbal abuse. “Girifna” also quoted a student who spoke during the conference as reporting two students missing. The movement fears that the students, Muammar Musa Mohamed who is affiliated with the organizing committee of the protests, and Amin Kamal Karrar, may have been kidnapped by the National Intelligence and Security System (NISS). Moreover, another two students, Mohamed Haroun (a student at Al Zaeem Al Azhari University who was spending the night at the dorms) and Hussein Ismail were reported hospitalized after sustaining severe injuries due to the excessive violence they were subjected to by security forces.

At the press conference, the students reiterated the demands of the students and stated that they will not accept to go back to university unless their demands are met, starting with the immediate resignation of both the president and the vice-president of the university.

“We were awakened at 4 a.m. by the sounds of the police trucks,” recounted Muawia Mohamed, a student who was arrested during the police raid. “The police beat us out of bed and used excessive violence on us. We were both physically and verbally abused, and the police looted many of the students’ possessions. The first question we were asked after our names was the name of our tribe.” When asked where he was headed following his release and the conclusion of the press conference, Muawia replied: “The dorms are our home. My family lives in Darfur, there is no way for me to go back.”

Following the press conference, the students, who were present at the Sudanese Human Rights Monitor with their luggage upon their release from detention, took a unified stand and decided to return to the dorms despite the risk.

On December 30, 2011, two University of Khartoum students were kidnapped by the NISS and detained in Kober prison located in Khartoum North. The students, Tajelsir Gaafer and Mohamed Idriss Jiddo, are both “Girifna” members who were active on campus during the December protests. They were released after spending over a month in detention and facing no charges. The Sudanese NISS is notorious for brutally torturing political detainees.